Sunday, November 05, 2006

Noam Chomsky: The problem lies in the unwillingness to recognize that your own terrorism is terrorism



‘The problem lies in the unwillingness to recognize that your own terrorism is terrorism'
Noam Chomsky interviewed by Saad Sayeed
Excalibur Online, October 25, 2006

Known in academic circles for his contribution to the field of linguistics, MIT professor Noam Chomsky is widely recognized as one of the most influential political dissidents of our time. In this interview, Chomsky talks about the roots of terrorism and the role of the intellectual in society.
"The problem lies in the unwillingness to recognise that your own terrorism is terrorism"
Excalibur (Ex): How important is an understanding of the role of states such as the U.S. and the U.K. when examining the question of terrorism?
Chomsky (Ch): It depends on whether we want to be honest and truthful or whether we want to just serve state power ( . . . ) We should look at all forms of terrorism.
I have been writing on terrorism for 25 years, ever since the Reagan administration came in 1981 and declared that the leading focus of its foreign policy was going to be a war on terror. A war against state directed terrorism which they called the plague of the modern world because of their barbarism and so on. That was the centre of their foreign policy and ever since I have been writing about terrorism.
But what I write causes extreme anger for the very simple reason that I use the U.S. government's official definition of terrorism from the official U.S. code of laws. If you use that definition, it follows very quickly that the U.S. is the leading terrorist state and a major sponsor of terrorism and since that conclusion is unacceptable, it arouses furious anger. But the problem lies in the unwillingness to recognize that your own terrorism is terrorism. This is not just true of the United States, it's true quite generally. Terrorism is something that they do to us. In both cases, it's terrorism and we have to get over that if we're serious about the question.
Ex: In 1979, Russia invades Afghanistan. The U.S. uses the Ziaul Haq regime in Pakistan to fund the rise of militancy. This gives Zia a green light to fund cross-border terrorism in Kashmir. Now we allegedly have some of those elements setting off bombs in Mumbai. Clearly, these groups are no longer controlled by any government.
Ch: The jihadi movements in their modern form go back before Afghanistan. They were formed primarily in Egypt in the 1970s. Those are the roots of the jihadi movement, the intellectual roots and the activist roots and the terrorism too.
But when the Russians invaded Afghanistan, the Regan administration saw it as an opportunity to pursue their Cold War aims. So they did with the intense cooperation of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia and others ( . . . ) so the Reagan administration organized the most radical Islamic extremists it could find anywhere in the world and brought them to Afghanistan to train them, arm them.
Meanwhile, the U.S. supported Ziaul Haq as he was turning Pakistan into a country full of madrassahs and fundamentalists. The Reagan administration even ( . . . ) kept certifying to Congress that Pakistan was not developing nuclear weapons, which of course they were, so that U.S. aid to Pakistan could continue. The end result of these U.S. programs was to seriously harm Pakistan and also to create the international jihadi movement, of which Osama bin Laden is a product. The jihadi movement then spread ( . . . ) they may not like it much but they created it. And now, as you say, it's in Kashmir.
Kashmir, though, is a much more complex story. There are plenty of problems in Kashmir and they go way back, but the major current conflicts come from the 1980s. In 1986, when India blocked the election, it actually stole the election, and that led to an uprising and terrorist violence and atrocities, including atrocities committed by the Indian army.
Ex: The colonial legacy is generally dismissed by the media. What role does this legacy play in the emergence of home-grown terrorists in countries such as the U.S., the U.K. and Canada as well as to the creation of terrorism as a whole?
Ch: It's not brought up in the West because it's inconvenient to think about your own crimes. Just look at the major conflicts going on around the world today, in Africa, the Middle East, in South Asia, most of them are residues of colonial systems.
Colonial systems imposed and created artificial states that had nothing to do with the needs and concerns and relations of the populations involved. They were created in the interests of colonial powers and as old fashioned colonialism turned into modern neo-colonialism, a lot of these conflicts erupted into violence and those are a lot of the atrocities happening in the world today.
How can anyone say colonialism isn't relevant? Of course it is and it's even more directly relevant.
Take the London bombing in 2005. Blair tried to pretend that it had nothing to do with Britain's participation in the invasion of Iraq. That's completely ridiculous. The British intelligence and the reports of the people connected in the bombing, they said that the British participation in the invasion and resulting horrors in Iraq inflamed them and they wanted to do something in reaction.
Ex: What is the role of the intellectual when dealing with imperialism and are the intellectuals doing they job?
Ch: Unfortunately, intellectuals are doing their historic job. The historic role of intellectuals if you look, unfortunately, as far back as you go has been to support power systems and to justify their atrocities. So the article you read in the National Post for the production of vulgar Stalinist connoisseurs, that's what intellectuals usually do as far back as you go.
If you go back to the Bible, there's a category of people who were called prophets, a translation of an obscure word, they were intellectuals, they were what we would call dissident intellectuals; criticising the evil king, giving geopolitical analysis, calling for the moral treatment of orphans, decent behaviour. They were dissident intellectuals. Were they treated well? They were prisoned and driven into the dessert and so on, they were the fringe. The people who were treated well were the ones who centuries later, like in the gospel, were called false prophets. So it goes through history. The actual role of the intellectual has been supportive of power.
Should they do that? Of course not; they should be searching for truth, they should be honest, they should be supporting freedom and justice and there are some who do it. There is a fringe who do it, but they're not treated well. They are performing the task that intellectuals ought to perform.
Ex: And what keeps you motivated?
Ch: I'll just tell you a brief story. I was in Beirut a couple of months ago giving talks at the American university in the city. After a talk, people come up and they want to talk privately or have books signed.
Here I was giving a talk in a downtown theatre, a large group of people were around and a young woman came up to me, in her mid-'20s, and just said this sentence: "I am Kinda" and practically collapsed. You wouldn't know who Kinda is but that's because we live in societies where the truth is kept hidden. I knew who she was. She had a book of mine open to a page on which I had quoted a letter of hers that she wrote when she was seven years old.
It was right after the U.S. bombing of Libya, her family was then living in Libya, and she wrote a letter which was found by a journalist friend of mine who tried to get it published in the United States but couldn't because no one would publish it. He then gave it to me, I published it. The letter said something like this:
"Dear Mr Reagan, I am seven years old. I want to know why you killed my little sister and my friend and my rag doll. Is it because we are Palestinians? Kinda". That's one of the most moving letters I have ever seen and when she walked up to me and said I am Kinda, and, like I say, actually fell over, not only because of the event but because of what it means.
Here's the United States with no pretext at all, bombing another country, killing and destroying, and nobody wants to know what a little seven-year-old girl wrote about the atrocities. That's the kind of thing that keeps me motivated and ought to keep everybody motivated. And you can multiply that by 10,000.

FW: Bangladesh honors Nobel peace laureate Muhammad Yunus

International Herald Tribune
November 5, 2006

Bangladesh honors Nobel peace laureate Muhammad Yunus

The Associated Press
Bangladesh honored Nobel peace laureate Muhammad Yunus at a ceremony Sunday hosted by the country's president and interim leader Iajuddin Ahmed.

Yunus and his Grameen Bank were awarded the Nobel prize on Oct. 13 for their efforts to lift millions out of poverty. Yunus' idea, known as microcredit, has helped hundreds of millions of people worldwide by handing out small loans to start their own businesses.

Ahmed presented Yunus with an inscribed silver plate and a citation at the Bangabhaban, the presidential palace in the capital, Dhaka.

"Yunus and the Grameen Bank founded by him have brought honor to Bangladesh. As Bangladeshis, we are very proud and delighted," Ahmed said.

The televised ceremony was attended by politicians and prominent citizens.

"This honor is not only for me, but for Grameen Bank, its millions of borrowers and young workers, for all Bangladeshis," Yunus said.

Yunus said the microcredit system challenged the conventional banking system, which "only lends to those who already have plenty."

"Grameen showed that it is possible to lend to those who have nothing — about two-thirds of the world's population. We give loans to the poor, to women ... without collateral or legal documents. We showed that an institution can run on trust," Yunus said.

Ahmed said the Nobel prize opened "a new era for Bangladesh."

"In their citation, the Nobel committee said if the majority cannot come out of poverty, peace cannot prevail. His microcredit concept has won worldwide recognition, and will help to establish a poverty-free world, I believe," Ahmed said.

In Bangladesh, the Grameen Bank provides services in more than 70,000 villages and has loaned US$5.72 billion (€4.56 billion) to 6.7 million Bangladeshis — 97 percent of them women — over the past three decades.

Muhammad Yunus: One man’s war on poverty




L I F E S T Y L E
Focus
Sunday November 5, 2006


One man’s war on poverty

An unassuming economics professor JUNE H. L. WONG interviewed more than a decade ago suddenly becomes very famous when he wins the most prestigious prize in the world.

ELEVEN years ago, I was privileged to meet a man whose mission was to wipe out poverty from the face of the earth. It seemed very quixotic but he believed he had a way of doing it: Lending very small amounts of money to the very poor to give them a head start in making a living. He called such lending, micro-credit.

This man was Bangladeshi economics professor-turned-banker Dr Muhammad Yunus. After that meeting, I kept track, in a rather desultory way, of this gentle, unassuming man, as he increasingly won international attention and recognition for his work.


Dr Muhammad Yunus – in his trademark kurta – celebrating news of his Nobel Prize win with daughter Dina in Dhaka on Oct 13. He will use his share of the US$1.4mil (RM5.18mil) award money to set up a company to make low-cost, high-nutrition food and an eye hospital for the poor in Bangladesh.
Finally, on Oct 13, he received the most prestigious recognition of all: The Nobel Peace Prize. I was elated when the Norwegian Nobel Committee decided to “award the Nobel Peace Prize for 2006, divided into two equal parts, to Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank for their efforts to create economic and social development from below.”

News of the award brought back memories of my meeting with him in Beijing in September 1995, during the United Nations World Conference on Women.

I had never heard of Dr Yunus before but after hearing him speak about his work and seeing how he won over the likes of World Bank officials and then US First Lady Hillary Clinton, who was also at the conference, I was determined to interview him.

We met in the lobby of a Beijing hotel and we spent a good two hours talking about his work.


Grameen Bank borrower, Banesa Khatun – with son Anis Mia (right) and daughter Seema Khatun – says that when the scheme was introduced in her country, Bangladesh, 30 years ago, it helped lift her from among the poorest of the poor to a respectable, independent woman.
When I returned to Malaysia, I wrote my report and published it in The Star on Oct 27, 1995, to mark International Day for the Eradication of Poverty.

My story on how Dr Yunus, 65, started is now an old one, repeated in countless interviews around the world since he began drawing international attention. This is what I wrote in 1995:

The son of a jeweller in Chittagong, the south-east port of Bangladesh, Dr Yunus earned his basic degree and Masters from Dhaka University. He then won a Fulbright Scholarship to do his doctorate at Vanderbilt University at Nashville, Tennessee, in 1965. He stayed on to take up a teaching position in 1969.

Three years later in 1971, after a bloody civil war, Bangladesh became an independent state. The economy was devastated but there was great hope for rebuilding.

Dr Yunus, eager to help, returned home and joined Chittagong University as head of the Economics Department.

“But then there was a terrible famine in 1974 that killed many people. I felt empty teaching my students beautiful and elegant theories that had nothing to do with the lives of the people.

“I decided I wanted to find why out why people couldn’t find enough food to eat and how to resolve their problems,” he said.

It wasn’t hard since his university was surrounded by poor villages. He visited them every day and began to understand the desperate lives of poor peasants.

“I saw how people suffered for a tiny amount of money because they had to borrow from loan sharks.”

Within two weeks, Dr Yunus compiled a list of 42 people from one village who had taken such loans.

“All they needed was US$30 (RM75). My first response was to give the money to them from my own pocket so that they could pay off the moneylender. I made no conditions.”


In the El Salvadorean city of San Marcos, 51-year-old Nolberta Melara saw her life transformed through a US$30 loan from the Support for the Microbusiness Centre, an NGO based on the Grameen Bank. Melara sews aprons and sells them in markets across the country.
But Dr Yunus soon realised that it couldn’t just end there. “I realised they wouldn’t be able to find me in the university if they needed more loans so I approached the campus branch of a local bank and asked the manager to lend money to villagers.

“He thought I was joking because the bank didn’t give one dollar loans and certainly not to poor people.”

And that was the start of Dr Yunus’ one-man crusade to show that banking on the poor could change their lives for the better and at the same time be profitable for financial institutions.

It took him six years to sign up 200,000 borrowers with a repayment rate of 98%. But bankers remained sceptical, saying that his was a small-scale venture that would not survive if it got any bigger.

It was then Dr Yunus decided to set up his own bank, to be called the Grameen Bank (grameen means “rural”), in 1983 with the support of Bangladesh’s central bank.


Egyptian vegetable vendor Hanem Shaban got her first Grameen Bank-type loan of 250 Egyptian pounds (RM159) six years ago and expanded her vegetable stall in Cairo’s popular Imbaba market. She now earns much more money than before.
Today, according to the Grameen Bank website, as of May, it has 6.67 million borrowers, 97 % of whom are women (see ‘Working wonders with women’). With 2,247 branches, it provides services in 72,096 villages, covering more than 86% of the total number of villages in Bangladesh.

Micro financing has also spread beyond Bangladesh to other parts of the world. Locally, Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM), set up in 1987, was among the earliest replications of the Grameen model.

(AIM has 69 branches with 157,000 active members nationwide and has provided loans amounting to RM1.7bil, mostly to finance business activities. It received a boost recently when Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi announced an additional allocation of RM100mil to its coffers.)

I was not the only journalist who took delight in Dr Yunus’s Nobel Prize win. NBC news correspondent Mark Potter posted the following in The Daily Nightly, a blog written by MCNBC journos and producers:

“I had to smile this morning when I read that Bangladeshi economist Muhammad Yunus and his Grameen Bank won the Nobel Peace Prize. Yunus ? was the inspiration for a man we featured earlier this year on a Nightly News ‘Making a Difference’ piece from the island of Samoa, in the South Pacific.

“What might appear to be dry economic and social theory on paper is actually deeply moving when you see it in practice and witness the results – as we were lucky enough to do this spring.

“Our story featured Greg Casagrande, who was a hard-charging executive for Ford and Mazda before he gave it all up to chase his dream of eradicating poverty. After studying Yunus’ principles, he used his own money to start up a loan program for women in impoverished Samoa.”

This is but one inspiring example of how the Grameen model has been copied successfully all over the world.

But Grameen is not without critics, as CNews journalist Farid Hossain pointed out.

The criticisms have focused on the bank’s high interest rates, which, at 20%, are significantly higher than the 10%-15% charged by commercial banks.

“While the poor pay 20% interest for their loan, the rich pay much less. It can’t be called social justice,” Farid quoted S.M. Akash, an economics professor at Dhaka University, as saying.

Dr Yunus’ response, according to journalist Alan Jolis whose The Independent on Sunday article appears in grameen-info.org : If anyone can run a bank for the poor and charge less, please go ahead and do so.


Polio victim S. Thilagavathy (with AIM manager Zubairi Mohd Fadzil and her daughter Reena Devi) earned RM50 by offering sewing services. She was able to increase her earnings to RM350 after receiving a loan from AIM in 2000 to buy a sewing machine.
Despite such criticisms, Dr Yunus is considered a national hero in his country even before he won the Nobel Prize. Indeed, unlike many previous Nobel Peace Prize winners, he is seen as a most deserving recipient and a popular choice among ordinary folk.

A person who responded to Potter’s posting in The Daily Nightly wondered why Dr Yunus didn’t win the prize for economics. The Norwegian Nobel Committee answered that question best when it explained its decision:

“Lasting peace cannot be achieved unless large population groups find ways in which to break out of poverty. Micro-credit is one such means. Development from below also serves to advance democracy and human rights.”

To underscore that statement, it’s worthwhile to quote what Dr Yunus told Jolis: “Poverty covers people in a thick crust and makes the poor appear stupid and without initiative.

“Yet if you give them credit, they will slowly come back to life. Even those who seemingly have no conceptual thought, no ability to think of yesterday or tomorrow, are in fact quite intelligent and expert at the art of survival. Credit is the key that unlocks their humanity.”

In 1995, he told me that his mission was to show that a poverty-free world is possible in our lifetime and his goal was to provide credit to the world’s 100 million poorest families through women by 2005.

According to the 2005 State of Microcredit Summit Campaign Report, as of Dec 31, 2004, some 3,200 micro-credit institutions reported reaching more than 92 million clients. Almost 73% of them were living in dire poverty at the time of their first loan.

That would mean Dr Yunus has reached his goal and he may see his ultimate dream realised.

He said to me: “How wonderful if, one day, our grandchildren must visit a museum to see what poverty was all about.”

I concluded my story then by saying: “Wishful thinking?” I won’t make the same mistake twice.


Kinokuniya Bookstores is offering Dr Muhammad Yunus’ critically acclaimed book, ‘Banker to the Poor: Micro-credit and the Battle Against World Poverty’ (ISBN: 1-586-48198-3) at a 25% discount. However, stocks have run out and the book will only be available at Kinokuniya’s Suria KLCC store after Dec 1. The discount is valid between Dec 1 and Dec 31 (or while stocks last).

FW: Sydney Peace Prize goes to Bangladesh’s Irene Khan


Sydney Peace Prize goes to Bangladesh’s Irene Khan

Neena Bhandari
Wednesday, November 01, 2006 21:37 IST


Khan is the first Asian and first woman to spearhead Amnesty International

SYDNEY: Secretary General of Amnesty International Irene Zubaida Khan has been awarded the 2006 Sydney Peace Prize for “her courageous advocacy of human rights and her skills in identifying violence against women as a massive injustice and therefore a priority in campaigning for peace”.

She said, “I am deeply honoured. Through this award, the Sydney Peace Foundation recognises that there can be no peace without justice and respect for human rights”.

Born in Bangladesh, Khan is the first woman, the first Asian and the first Muslim to guide the world’s largest human rights organisation, bringing a new perspective to it. Deeply concerned about violence against women, she called for better protection of women’s human rights and initiated a process of consultations with women activists to design a global campaign by Amnesty International against violence on women.

On the current debate raging over women’s clothes, Khan said, “Violence against women has less to do with how women dress and far more to do with the inequality of women, the impunity of those who commit gender crimes and the apathy of state and society that condone and encourage attitudes that facilitate gender violence. Women have the right to freedom of expression, and that includes what they choose to wear. Governments have a duty to create a safe environment in which every woman can make that choice without fear of violence or coercion...”

A recipient of several academic awards, including a Ford Foundation Fellowship and the Pilkington Woman of the Year Award 2002, she recognises that at a time when fear and failed leadership threaten peace and human rights, there is a greater than ever need for individual activism.

Delivering the Sydney Peace Prize lecture she said, “Discrimination and racial profiling have become an accepted element of anti-terrorism strategies in many countries, undermining both human rights and trust between communities”

Khan, who studied law at the University of Manchester and Harvard Law School emphasised, “We should avoid simplifying multiple identities of people into a single religious one. When you identify me only by my faith, you exclude all my identity as a woman, a mother, a lawyer, a citizen of Bangladesh, a resident of London, a lover of French cuisine and English theatre. The plurality and not the singularity of our identities is the way in which to overcome fear and create social harmony in a troubled world”.

Each year the Sydney Peace Foundation awards the prize to an individual who has made significant contributions to ‘peace with justice’.

The only other winner from the sub-continent has been novelist and human rights activist Arundhati Roy, who was awarded the prize in 2004 for her work in social campaigns and advocacy of non-violence.

Source: http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1061529

Sunday, October 29, 2006

FW: What Israel can learn from Muhammad Yunus

What Israel can learn from Muhammad Yunus
IDA NUDEL, THE JERUSALEM POST Oct. 23, 2006
--------------------------------------------

I arrived in Israel almost 19 years ago to the day. I had left a Soviet Union where Zionist life was actually thriving. I came to the land of my dreams not as a refugee seeking just any place under the sun.

I knew why I had embarked on my journey of more than 17 years, often at great personal risk. I knew why I came to Israel as did so many other Russian Jews who shared my feelings and aspirations.

We had been led to believe, through the media, by the Jewish Agency and via the Voice of Israel that every Jewish citizen of Israel lives in his homeland in dignity. Sadly, very soon after I arrived, I discovered that most of the claimed advantages of the Jewish state belonged to its glorious past.

Even the word "Zionism" acquired a negative connotation in some Israeli circles.

The mass media and the country's intellectual elite inspire acrimony between different Jewish immigrant groups. They've obstructed the revival of a homogeneous Jewish people after 2,000 years of dispersion.

The media actively and cynically cultivate disdain of the weak and poor. Schools unbelievably select children according to their families' material means.

The-powers-that-be hinder the economic integration of young people, thus encouraging them to leave the country. After 2001, reference to national identity was removed from our Israeli IDs; the word "Jewish" has virtually disappeared not only from our official documents but also from the Hebrew press.

Even the anti-Semitic Soviet Union wouldn't dare strike such a blow to the national dignity of the Jews.

IN THE last decades of the 20th century the interests of the Jewish national revival and those of Israel's powers-that-be came into real conflict, thus endangering the idea of the Jewish national home. We have witnessed how a persecuted and humiliated people's dream of a resurrected Israel has been reduced by these forces to one of nurturing as many millionaires as possible.

The same people sit in the Knesset - for decades. Intellectuals appear concerned only with their personal success, while the media has turned into a mass brainwashing machine targeting poor, semi-literate and politically na ve citizens. New millionaires are appearing at a striking rate, while the reverse process of mass impoverishment is also accelerating. The middle class is gradually being squeezed out of the country's economic life.

At the same time, a new trend is gaining momentum among well-to-do population groups: acquiring alternative citizenship for themselves and their children. These "lucky" characters can now cynically look down at their former country assured of their own future.

LAST WEEK, Muhammad Yunus, a millionaire banker, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for pioneering a micro-credit scheme and his continuing efforts to eradicate poverty in his native Bangladesh.

He did this at his own initiative and in spite of the powers-that-be in his country. He was determined to defeat poverty and illiteracy in Bangladesh. His hard work and devotion have won him well-deserved international acclaim.

This great citizen of a very poor country has already saved 6 million of his compatriots from impoverishment and has given them a chance for a dignified life.

It sounds like a fairy tale - this story of a kind and resourceful wizard who makes poor people happy. But it demonstrates that even a lone millionaire - providing he is a genuine patriot - can begin to solve a problem of national proportions.

Instead of making money on the misfortune of poor people, as is often the case in our country, Muhammad Yunus disdainfully put bureaucracy aside and addressed the problem himself.

The myth that unemployment is impossible to eliminate has thus been finished off by this one-man initiative.

Now, in all likelihood, we cannot change the indifference and cynicism toward the people by our own powers-that-be, but perhaps we can aspire to do what needs to be done without them.

I wonder.

Can something like what Muhammad Yunus did happen in our country, among our people who have long dedicated themselves to being a light onto the nations?

Can it be done in a country in which one bank is profiteering - and perfectly legally, too - to the tune of almost 400 percent? Can it be done in a country in which new immigrants get saddled with huge montages? In which basic housing is sometimes unaffordable? Can it be done in a country that virtually sanctions childhood illiteracy, thus destroying an entire generation's chances for obtaining professional advancement?

After almost 60 years of national independence, the family and social fabric in this land seems governed by outdated laws and red tape.

Against the achievements of Muhammad Yunus in Bangladesh, and given the economic and moral travails in Israel, our powers-that-be have a lot to answer for.

The writer, a former Soviet Prisoner of Zion, is a Jabotinsky Prize winner.

http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=
1159193504509&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FPrinter

Friday, October 27, 2006

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) : a new party in Bangladesh



----------------------------------------------
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)president Badruddoza Chowdhury declared:
“From today, a new journey has begun against corruption, injustice, terrorism and failure. The prime minister's family members have amassed hundreds of crores of taka while corruption and essential prices remained unchecked. Her family has disgraced democracy. We have united today, but the alliance government has been clinically dead long since.”
-----------------------------------------------
executive president of Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)Oli Ahmed in his speech said:
Fourteen members of the prime minister's family have looted the wealth of the country. We have to recover the country's lost wealth.
-----------------------------------------------

Financial Express
LDP leaders say in their letters to Khaleda
Corruption of ministers, MPs, led by Tarique, has broken all records

10/28/2006

Before the formal declaration came, the ministers and MPs, who formed the new party Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), wrote letters to BNP chief Khaleda Zia and resigned from the party. The constitution stipulates that the MPs lose their membership after resigning from the party they are elected from, reports BDNews.
In the resignation letters, the leaders said: "The corruption of some ministers, MPs and leaders, led by your son Tarique Rahman, has broken all previous records. This has tarnished image of the party. It is not possible for any person having personal dignity to continue with the party. The BNP established by President Ziaur Rahman is now controlled by Razakars, autocrats and corrupts. Against the principle of democracy, Tarique, without having any protocol, has been abusing the state power."
Oli, one of the founders of the party, said he floated the new platform in protest against the Khaleda-Tarique Rahman-led "unbridled corruption".
He blamed Tarique, some legislators and BNP leaders for damaging the party image by indulging in pervasive corruption.
"Tarique Rahman compelled the BNP lawmakers and leaders to work according to his [Tarique] whims although he has no government protocol," Oli said.
He also blamed the government for its failure to control the price hike of essentials.
Secretary-general of the LDP Abdul Mannan, a retired Major, read out the declaration that said the new party was floated "to protect the country from uncertainty and protest unbridled corruption, failure in running the country, state-sponsored terrorism, misrule, and price hike of essentials".
Some of the former MPs joining the LDP are: Salauddin Kamran, Arif Moinuddin, Nazim Uddin Al Azad, Syed Didar Bakht and Nurul Alam. Ainuddin, M A Salam, Mainul Islam and Didarul Alam are among retired officers of the armed forces. Political leader Noim Jahangir and Sanaul Haq Niru and former secretary Nazmul Alam Siddiqui also joined the party.
Badruddoza Chowdhury's Bikalpa Dhara Bangladesh has now merged with the LDP.
He and Oli jointly announced the launch of the party at around 10:45am amid raucous applause from hundreds of supporters carrying the party's symbol 'winnow'.

http://www.financialexpress-bd.com/index3.asp?
cnd=10/28/2006§ion_id=2&newsid=41743&spcl=no

Thursday, October 26, 2006

FW: Europe's Muslims





washingtonpost.com
Editorial

Europe's Muslims
A year after the French riots, their alienation is growing.

Wednesday, October 25, 2006; A16



AYEAR AGO this week, riots erupted in mostly Muslim suburbs of Paris and other French cities, underlining the alienation of a subculture that makes up 8 percent of the country's population but has suffered from chronic unemployment and discrimination. One year later, that alienation -- and the threat of violence that comes with it -- appears to have worsened, not only in France but across Western Europe. French police are facing what some call a "permanent intifada" in Muslim neighborhoods, with nearly 2,500 incidents of violence against officers recorded in the first six months of the year. Some of these now take the form of planned ambushes: On Sunday a gang of youths emptied a bus of its passengers, set it on fire, and then stoned the firefighters who responded.

In Britain, the London bombings of 2005, which were executed in part by native-born Muslims, have been succeeded by this summer's arrest of another group of native extremists who allegedly plotted to blow up airliners. Two Lebanese residents of Germany were accused of trying to bomb passenger trains. The threat of violence by Muslims angered by perceived insults, whether from the German-born pope or the director of a Mozart opera, has become more frequent.

Europeans are slowly growing more aware that a major part of the global struggle against Islamic extremism must take place in their own countries -- and not just in faraway Afghanistan or Iraq. But their governments, media and political elites still appear to be a long way from coming to grips with the challenge. Rather than seeking to address the larger alienation of mainstream Muslims, European leaders often appear to do the opposite -- by challenging the culture of Muslims and defending gratuitous insults of Islam.

One recent but hardly isolated example came from Britain's House of Commons leader, Jack Straw, who criticized Muslim women for wearing veils and said he asked those who visited his office to remove them, on the grounds that they impede "communication." It's hard to believe that veils are the biggest obstacle to communication between British politicians and the country's Muslims; and it's even harder to imagine Mr. Straw raising similar objections about Sikh turbans or Orthodox Jewish dress. True, the Labor Party MP was reflecting -- or maybe pandering to -- the concern of many in Britain about the self-segregation of some Muslims. But veils -- which are also under government attack in France and Italy -- are not the cause of that segregation, much less of terrorism. Attacks on Muslim custom by public officials are more likely to reinforce than to ease the community's alienation.

Mr. Straw and other European politicians could contribute far more to combating radical Islam if they focused on those who actually foment intolerance among European Muslims -- as well as those in the mainstream community who promote prejudice against Arabs and South Asians and their descendants. Muslims in Europe should be invited to embrace the countries where they live on their own terms. They should be expected to respect laws and freedoms. But politicians would do better to work on dismantling the barriers Muslims face in getting educations and jobs rather than those that distinguish Islam from the secular majority.

© 2006 The Washington Post Company

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn
/content/article/2006/10/24/AR2006102401148_pf.html

FW: Single-Sex Schooling

washingtonpost.com
Editorial
Single-Sex Schooling
Public education needs to look at all choices.

Friday, October 27, 2006; A22



STUDIES OF single-sex education are all over the map, with no one really knowing how effective it is. Still, the decision giving public schools greater freedom to offer all-boys and all-girls instruction is right because of one known certainty: Traditional schools just are not working for a large number of children.

Single-sex education largely disappeared from public schools as a result of the landmark 1972 Title IX law that banned sex discrimination in federally funded education programs. Single-sex instruction was largely limited to gym and sex education classes. Schools for one sex were allowed if a similar school existed for the other sex. The Education Department, in rules announced this week, opened up the field by saying schools can offer single-sex education as long as enrollment is voluntary and if "substantially equal" coeducation is offered to the excluded sex.

Civil rights groups and women's advocates are right to be concerned about possible abuses that could arise from differing assessments of what is "substantially equal," a phrase that, in truth, does give one pause. The past is rife with instances of separate not being equal. But with appropriate safeguards and oversight, communities should have the option to meet the growing demand for single-sex schools. Parents should be able to obtain the appropriate schooling for their children without always having to pay the high tab for private school.

No doubt same-sex schooling is not for everyone and should be offered only under well-thought-out conditions. There is, for example, serious dispute over who would benefit most. Some believe that girls are disadvantaged in traditional classrooms and perform better by themselves. Others contend that low-income children would be helped, while another school of thought argues that high school boys would do better if separated from girls. Such uncertainty points up the need for better research.

Local school districts that want to experiment with single-sex instruction should be encouraged to adopt a meticulous research protocol to demonstrate what works or doesn't work. Then a serious discussion can begin.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/
2006/10/26/AR2006102601507.html?nav=rss_opinion

Wednesday, October 18, 2006

A Hand Up, Not a Handout (By Muhammad Yunus)

(from THE WALL STREET JOURNAL Editorial Page)

NOBEL MEN

A Hand Up, Not a Handout
Why not microloans for Katrina victims?

BY MUHAMMAD YUNUS
Saturday, October 14, 2006 1:00 p.m. EDT

America's government and people brought charity to a new level last year in their response to Hurricane Katrina. The rebuilding has been particularly difficult, however, because it has involved lives as well as bricks and mortar. Many victims had been desperately poor all their lives. Helping them to self-sufficiency has proved just as difficult, if not harder, than putting homes and businesses back up again.

Having many very poor citizens, and more than its share of natural disasters, Bangladesh--my own country--has a great deal of experience facing both these challenges. We have a per capita gross national income of $440, with half the population living below the poverty line. We've little to start with, and much of that is repeatedly snatched away. In 1998, floods covered much of the country for over two months, affecting 30 million people; and a single cyclone killed 300,000 in 1970. Despite these catastrophes, more of our people are climbing out of poverty.

So at the risk of sounding presumptuous: What can the U.S. learn from Bangladesh about post-disaster economic recovery? Like many other countries, even Bangladeshis were quick with a handout after Katrina, giving the U.S. $1 million for the victims. But Americans might be surprised to learn that one of our most successful tools for rebuilding businesses is not government handouts, but rather, small loans packaged with practical business and social advice.

Microfinance is one of the biggest success stories of the developing world, and proponents like me believe it could be just as successful in helping the poor in wealthy countries such as the U.S. The basic philosophy behind microfinance is that the poor, although spurned by traditional banks because they can't provide collateral, are actually a great investment: No one works harder than someone who is striving to achieve life's basic necessities, particularly a woman with children to support. Sadly, it is also true that in catastrophic circumstances, very little of the cash so generously given ever gets all the way down to the very poor. There are too many "professionals" ahead of them in line, highly skilled at diverting funds into their own pockets. This is particularly regrettable because very poor people need only a little money to set up a business that can make a dramatic difference in the quality of their lives.

I started the Grameen Bank 30 years ago by distributing about $27 (no typo here!) worth of loans among 40 extremely poor Bangladeshis. Since the bank officially opened in 1983, it has loaned $5.7 billion in microfinance. Today, Grameen has 6.6 million borrowers in Bangladesh alone, borrowing $500 million a year in loans that average just over $100 each. The loans are entirely financed by borrowers' deposits and the bank recovers 98.85% of all money loaned. Notably, Grameen Bank has been profitable in all but three years since its launch. Our largely poor customers save $1.008 for every dollar they borrow, so the poor are truly funding the poor.

The bank supports businesses such as small services, stores, direct sales, furniture-making, cell phone stations and milling, all of which support the local economy. And it works. More than half of our borrowers have moved out of poverty, mainly through their own efforts. Most importantly, when you lend money to disadvantaged people, it gives them a sense of pride, rather than the humiliation they may feel over a handout. And just as helpful as the money is the guidance they get from the bank. Training and connecting poor, inexperienced workers to a reliable and ethical lending and savings service is a huge advantage for them that only gets stronger after a disaster. This is particularly true of women, who are often constrained by social and financial barriers. Grameen communities have also made tremendous strides on health and social issues, such as sanitation, and pushed aside discriminatory practices such as bridal dowries.





The impact of microfinance is spreading world-wide. As of December 2004, 3,100 microcredit institutions reported reaching 92,270,289 clients, 66,614,871 of whom were among the world's poorest when they took their first loan. Assuming five persons per family, the loans to the 54.8 million poorest clients affected some 330 million family members by the end of 2004.
Microfinance has worked so well that it has become a major instrument of reconstruction in post-tsunami Asia as well. A Sri Lankan conglomerate, Ceylinco, partnered with Grameen to provide small loans to 10,000 tsunami victims. These range from $300 to $10,000 and carry an interest rate of 6%, less than half the rate for similar small loans in Sri Lanka. The loans have a one-year grace-period, and Ceylinco takes no collateral, thereby heaping all the risk onto itself. But the company felt this was still a wise investment.

Because some countries that rely heavily on microfinance also happen to be disaster-prone, Grameen now has special disaster loan funds (DLFs) to help meet the urgent need for cash after a catastrophe. These funds also aim to offset the microlender's own losses. The funds were established in Bangladesh after the record flooding of 1998, which affected 20% of the population. Similar funds were set up in Central America in the wake of Hurricane Mitch, and in Poland after the floods of 1997. The DLFs are financial reserves and usually derived from the initial donor grant to the micro-credit lender.

Many people ask, Why not just give free cash, especially under such dire circumstances? In Bangladesh, we've learned that when aid is free, not only do the poor get the least of it, but everyone inflates their needs. While some handouts are clearly necessary in such times, we focus on lending small amounts of money. This lets us keep costs down and rebuild funds for the next disaster. Most importantly, our Grameen banks are ready to act at a moment's notice. They can respond to a disaster without waiting for anyone's permission, immediately becoming like humanitarian agencies by suspending loan payments, and providing cash, food and medicines. Once rebuilding starts, the bankers keep detailed records of the money lent, and people are allowed to repay bit by bit.

That is the strategy we followed after the 1998 flooding, which covered 50% of Bangladesh's land and affected customers at about 70% of our branches. More than 700 Grameen borrowers or their family members were killed and just over half (a million borrowers) were affected by the flooding. That represents a small percentage of the overall population affected, but the Bank and its staff where there right away to help with immediate needs. Later, microlenders helped people restructure their loans or gave out new loans on more favorable terms.

Microlending has already helped millions reach a better life through their own initiative. It has also given them valuable skills as well as crucial financial back-up in case they ever face a natural disaster like Katrina. So it might be time to think about another type of support for Katrina's victims: the microloan. As our small, flood-battered country has learned, giving someone a hand up doesn't always require a handout. The most important thing is to help people get back to work while letting them hold on to their self-respect. Microloans can do just that.

Mr. Yunus, who yesterday won the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize, is founder and managing director of the Grameen Bank of Bangladesh.

Tuesday, October 17, 2006

Muhammad Yunus wins Nobel Peace Prize



From Wikipedia:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammad_Yunus


CNN Money
Bangladeshi banker wins Nobel Peace Prize
Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank awarded prestigious prize for lending efforts to very poorest citizens of Bangladesh.

October 13 2006: 7:04 AM EDT
OSLO (Reuters) -- Bangladeshi economist Muhammad Yunus and the Grameen Bank he founded won the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday for grassroots efforts to lift millions out of poverty that earned him the nickname of "banker to the poor."

Yunus, 66, set up a new kind of bank in the 1976 to give credit to the very poorest in his native Bangladesh, particularly women, enabling them to start up small businesses without collateral.

In doing so, he invented microcredit, a system that has been copied in more than 100 nations from the United States to Uganda.

"In Bangladesh, where nothing works and there's no electricity," Yunus once said, "microcredit works like clockwork."

The Nobel committee awarded the prize to Yunus and Grameen Bank "for their efforts to create economic and social development from below," it said in its citation.

"Lasting peace cannot be achieved unless large population groups find ways in which to break out of poverty. Microcredit is one such means. Development from below also serves to advance democracy and human rights," it said.

Yunus and Grameen were surprise winners of the 10 million Swedish crown ($1.36 million) award from a field of 191 candidates. The prize will be handed out in Oslo on Dec. 10.

"This is fantastic, unbelievable. Thank you," Yunus, whose autobiography is called "Banker to the Poor," told Norway's NRK television after the announcement.

Returning from a Fulbright scholarship in the United States, Yunus was shocked by the 1974 Bangladesh famine and headed out into the villages to see what he could do.

He discovered the women were in severe debt to extortionate moneylenders, and Yunus's initial aim was simply to persuade a local bank manager to step in and offer the villagers regular credit. The banker said it was impossible without a guarantee.

Yunus set out to prove him wrong and has never looked back. Grameen - the word means village in Bengali - has now disbursed $5.72 billion since its inception. Of this $5.07 billion has been repaid -- a loan recovery rate of 98.85 per cent.

"Across cultures and civilizations, Yunus and Grameen Bank have shown that even the poorest of the poor can work to bring about their own development," the secretive five-member Nobel committee said in announcing the award.

Friday, October 13, 2006

FW: REFLECTIONS ON HISTORY AND RELIGION: Muhammad's Sword

(http://baltimorechronicle.com/2006/092506AVNERY.html)

REFLECTIONS ON HISTORY AND RELIGION:
Muhammad's Sword
by URI AVNERY

Every honest Jew who knows the history of his people cannot but feel a deep sense of gratitude to Islam, which has protected the Jews for fifty generations, while the Christian world persecuted the Jews and tried many times "by the sword" to get them to abandon their faith.SEPT. 23, 2006--Since the days when Roman Emperors threw Christians to the lions, the relations between the emperors and the heads of the church have undergone many changes.

Constantine the Great, who became Emperor in the year 306—exactly 1700 years ago—encouraged the practice of Christianity in the empire, which included Palestine. Centuries later, the church split into an Eastern (Orthodox) and a Western (Catholic) part. In the West, the Bishop of Rome, who acquired the title of Pope, demanded that the Emperor accept his superiority.

The struggle between the Emperors and the Popes played a central role in European history and divided the peoples. It knew ups and downs. Some Emperors dismissed or expelled a Pope, some Popes dismissed or excommunicated an Emperor. One of the Emperors, Henry IV, "walked to Canossa," standing for three days barefoot in the snow in front of the Pope's castle, until the Pope deigned to annul his excommunication.

But there were times when Emperors and Popes lived in peace with each other. We are witnessing such a period today. Between the present Pope, Benedict XVI, and the present Emperor, George Bush II, there exists a wonderful harmony. Last week's speech by the Pope, which aroused a world-wide storm, went well with Bush's crusade against "Islamofascism," in the context of the "Clash of Civilizations."

IN HIS lecture at a German university, the 265th Pope described what he sees as a huge difference between Christianity and Islam: while Christianity is based on reason, Islam denies it. While Christians see the logic of God's actions, Muslims deny that there is any such logic in the actions of Allah.

As a Jewish atheist, I do not intend to enter the fray of this debate. It is much beyond my humble abilities to understand the logic of the Pope. But I cannot overlook one passage, which concerns me too, as an Israeli living near the fault-line of this "war of civilizations."


* * *

In order to prove the lack of reason in Islam, the Pope asserts that the prophet Muhammad ordered his followers to spread their religion by the sword. According to the Pope, that is unreasonable, because faith is born of the soul, not of the body. How can the sword influence the soul?

To support his case, the Pope quoted—of all people—a Byzantine Emperor, who belonged, of course, to the competing Eastern Church. At the end of the 14th century, the Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus told of a debate he had—or so he said (its occurrence is in doubt)—with an unnamed Persian Muslim scholar. In the heat of the argument, the Emperor (according to himself) flung the following words at his adversary:

"Show me just what Mohammed brought that was new, and there you will find things only evil and inhuman, such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached." These words give rise to three questions:
Why did the Emperor say them?


Are they true?


Why did the present Pope quote them?
* * *

WHEN MANUEL II wrote his treatise, he was the head of a dying empire. He assumed power in 1391, when only a few provinces of the once illustrious empire remained. These, too, were already under Turkish threat.

At that point in time, the Ottoman Turks had reached the banks of the Danube. They had conquered Bulgaria and the north of Greece, and had twice defeated relieving armies sent by Europe to save the Eastern Empire. In 1453, only a few years after Manuel's death, his capital, Constantinople (the present Istanbul) fell to the Turks, putting an end to the Empire that had lasted for more than a thousand years.

During his reign, Manuel made the rounds of the capitals of Europe in an attempt to drum up support. He promised to reunite the church. There is no doubt that he wrote his religious treatise in order to incite the Christian countries against the Turks and convince them to start a new crusade. The aim was practical, theology was serving politics.

In this sense, the quote serves exactly the requirements of the present Emperor, George Bush II. He, too, wants to unite the Christian world against the mainly Muslim "Axis of Evil." Moreover, the Turks are again knocking on the doors of Europe, this time peacefully. It is well known that the Pope supports the forces that object to the entry of Turkey into the European Union.


* * *

IS THERE any truth in Manuel's argument?

Verse 257 of the Qu'ran says unequivocally: "There must be no coercion in matters of faith."The pope himself threw in a word of caution. As a serious and renowned theologian, he could not afford to falsify written texts. Therefore, he admitted that the Qur'an specifically forbade the spreading of the faith by force. He quoted the second Sura, verse 256 (strangely fallible, for a pope, he meant verse 257) which says: "There must be no coercion in matters of faith."

How can one ignore such an unequivocal statement? The Pope simply argues that this commandment was laid down by the prophet when he was at the beginning of his career, still weak and powerless, but that later on he ordered the use of the sword in the service of the faith. Such an order does not exist in the Qur'an. True, Muhammad called for the use of the sword in his war against opposing tribes—Christian, Jewish and others—in Arabia, when he was building his state. But that was a political act, not a religious one; basically a fight for territory, not for the spreading of the faith.

The treatment of other religions by Islam must be judged by a simple test: How did the Muslim rulers behave for more than a thousand years, when they had the power to "spread the faith by the sword"?Jesus said: "You will recognize them by their fruits." The treatment of other religions by Islam must be judged by a simple test: How did the Muslim rulers behave for more than a thousand years, when they had the power to "spread the faith by the sword"?

Well, they just did not.

For many centuries, the Muslims ruled Greece. Did the Greeks become Muslims? Did anyone even try to Islamize them? On the contrary, Christian Greeks held the highest positions in the Ottoman administration. The Bulgarians, Serbs, Romanians, Hungarians and other European nations lived at one time or another under Ottoman rule and clung to their Christian faith. Nobody compelled them to become Muslims and all of them remained devoutly Christian.

True, the Albanians did convert to Islam, and so did the Bosniaks. But nobody argues that they did this under duress. They adopted Islam in order to become favorites of the government and enjoy the fruits.

In 1099, the Crusaders conquered Jerusalem and massacred its Muslim and Jewish inhabitants indiscriminately, in the name of the gentle Jesus.In 1099, the Crusaders conquered Jerusalem and massacred its Muslim and Jewish inhabitants indiscriminately, in the name of the gentle Jesus. At that time, 400 years into the occupation of Palestine by the Muslims, Christians were still the majority in the country. Throughout this long period, no effort was made to impose Islam on them. Only after the expulsion of the Crusaders from the country, did the majority of the inhabitants start to adopt the Arabic language and the Muslim faith—and they were the forefathers of most of today's Palestinians.


* * *

THERE IS no evidence whatsoever of any attempt to impose Islam on the Jews. As is well known, under Muslim rule the Jews of Spain enjoyed a bloom the like of which the Jews did not enjoy anywhere else until almost our time. Poets like Yehuda Halevy wrote in Arabic, as did the great Maimonides. In Muslim Spain, Jews were ministers, poets, scientists. In Muslim Toledo, Christian, Jewish and Muslim scholars worked together and translated the ancient Greek philosophical and scientific texts. That was, indeed, the Golden Age. How would this have been possible, had the Prophet decreed the "spreading of the faith by the sword"?

When the Catholics instituted a reign of religious terror in Spain, the Jews and the Muslims were presented with a cruel choice: to become Christians, to be massacred or to leave. Almost all who escaped were received with open arms in the Muslim countries.What happened afterwards is even more telling. When the Catholics re-conquered Spain from the Muslims, they instituted a reign of religious terror. The Jews and the Muslims were presented with a cruel choice: to become Christians, to be massacred or to leave. And where did the hundreds of thousand of Jews, who refused to abandon their faith, escape? Almost all of them were received with open arms in the Muslim countries. The Sephardi ("Spanish") Jews settled all over the Muslim world, from Morocco in the west to Iraq in the east, from Bulgaria (then part of the Ottoman Empire) in the north to Sudan in the south. Nowhere were they persecuted. They knew nothing like the tortures of the Inquisition, the flames of the auto-da-fe, the pogroms, the terrible mass-expulsions that took place in almost all Christian countries, up to the Holocaust.

WHY? Because Islam expressly prohibited any persecution of the "peoples of the book." In Islamic society, a special place was reserved for Jews and Christians. They did not enjoy completely equal rights, but almost. They had to pay a special poll-tax, but were exempted from military service—a trade-off that was quite welcome to many Jews. It has been said that Muslim rulers frowned upon any attempt to convert Jews to Islam even by gentle persuasion—because it entailed the loss of taxes.

Every honest Jew who knows the history of his people cannot but feel a deep sense of gratitude to Islam, which has protected the Jews for fifty generations, while the Christian world persecuted the Jews and tried many times "by the sword" to get them to abandon their faith.


* * *

THE STORY about "spreading the faith by the sword" is an evil legend, one of the myths that grew up in Europe during the great wars against the Muslims—the reconquista of Spain by the Christians, the Crusades and the repulsion of the Turks, who almost conquered Vienna. I suspect that the German Pope, too, honestly believes in these fables. That means that the leader of the Catholic world, who is a Christian theologian in his own right, did not make the effort to study the history of other religions.

Why did he utter these words in public? And why now?

Not for the first time in history, a religious robe is spread to cover the nakedness of economic interests; not for the first time, a robbers' expedition becomes a Crusade.There is no escape from viewing them against the background of the new Crusade of Bush and his evangelist supporters, with his slogans of "Islamofascism" and the "Global War on Terrorism"—when "terrorism" has become a synonym for Muslims. For Bush's handlers, this is a cynical attempt to justify the domination of the world's oil resources. Not for the first time in history, a religious robe is spread to cover the nakedness of economic interests; not for the first time, a robbers' expedition becomes a Crusade.

The speech of the Pope blends into this effort. Who can foretell the dire consequences?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Uri Avnery is an Israeli writer and peace activist with Gush Shalom. He is one of the writers featured in The Other Israel: Voices of Dissent and Refusal. He is also a contributor to CounterPunch's hot new book The Politics of Anti-Semitism. He can be reached at: avnery@counterpunch.org. This story is published in the Baltimore Chronicle with permission of the author.

Rebiya Kadeer, Chinese Muslim activist, among candidates for Nobel


============ =========
---In the news---
============ =========
International Herald Tribune
Chinese Muslim activist, among candidates for Nobel, says prize would honor her people
The Associated Press
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 13, 2006

WASHINGTON A Chinese Muslim businesswoman who spent almost six years in prison without ever being told why says if she were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize it might help her people against "cultural genocide" that China is waging on her people.

Rebiya Kadeer is among an undisclosed number of nominees for the prize to be announced Friday in Oslo, Norway. While the five-member awards committee never gives clues to its thinking, even to confirming names of nominees, there has been speculation in Oslo that the award might go this year to Kadeer or another human rights figure.

"If I were given this Nobel Peace Prize it means so much to my people because my people are facing cultural genocide in this world," Kadeer said Thursday. It would be "recognition of the plight of my people," she said in an interview with Associated Press Television.

Kadeer is a member of the Uighur minority, Muslims from the Xinjiang autonomous region of northwestern China. They are ethnically related to Central Asians, not Chinese.

Kadeer was arrested in 1999 as she approached a hotel where staff members of the U.S. Congressional Research Service waited to meet with her. She was held in solitary confinement for three years and was released only last year after the United States and others agitated for her.

She said the only reason she was given for her arrest was that she had sent Chinese-language newspapers to her husband in the United States. She said, however, the reason probably had more to do with documents she had for the American officials.

"I have been campaigning for the human rights and freedom of the Uighur people peacefully and patiently. My hope is to conduct a dialogue directly with the Chinese government so that the Uighur problem will be resolved," she said in Thursday's television interview.

She said she believed that if her work were to be honored with the Nobel Peace Prize, it would "help the Uighur people to have freedom of speech and live like a human being."

(http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2006/10/13/
america/NA_GEN_Activist_Nobel_Candidate.php)

============ ========= ========
---Who is Rebiya---
============ ========= ========

Profile: Rebiya Kadeer
Rebiya Kadeer was a successful businesswoman and philanthropist in China's restive Xinjiang until her arrest in 1999 for allegedly endangering national security.
Her crime, the authorities said, was to send local newspaper reports about the activities of Xinjiang's ethnic Turkish-speaking Uighurs to her US-based husband, even though these were freely available.

It was a sharp reversal in fortunes for someone whose local achievements the Communist government had until then trumpeted.

Mrs Kadeer, twice-married and the mother of at least 11 children, grew up in poverty but at the time of her release was known locally as "the millionairess".

Human Rights Watch researcher Mickey Spiegel, who has met Mrs Kadeer's family several times, described her as "a very enterprising woman, who was able to bring herself up, in a sense, by her bootstraps".

After working as a laundress, Mrs Kadeer founded and directed a large trading company in Xinjiang, and used her wealth to provide fellow Uighurs with employment and training.


CHINA'S UIGHURS
Ethnically Turkic Muslims, mainly live in Xinjiang
Made bid for independent state in 1940s
Sporadic violence in Xinjiang since 1991
Uighurs worried about Chinese immigration and erosion of traditional culture


Partly as a result, she was appointed to China's national advisory group, the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), and sent as one of the country's delegates to the United Nations World Conference on Women in 1995.

But her treatment by the authorities changed, rights organisations say, when her Uighur husband and former political prisoner Sidik Rouzi fled China for the US in 1996.

He had previously been imprisoned for campaigning against China's treatment of the ethnic minority, which make up more than half the mainly Muslim population of Xinjiang.

Mrs Kadeer's passport was seized, she was harassed by police and, in 1998, barred from reappointment to the CPPCC.

Before her arrest, Mrs Kadeer was running the 1,000 Families Mothers' Project, which helped Uighur women start businesses.

Arrest

She was detained in August 1999, on her way to meet a visiting delegation from the United States Congressional Research Service to complain about political prisoners in Xinjiang.

She was convicted of endangering state security by the Urumqi Intermediate People's Court on 10 March, 2000.

Her eight-year sentence was set to expire on 12 August, 2007, but was cut by 12 months last year for good behaviour.

Her health had reported to have deteriorated in prison.

Her children who had visited her there have frequently commented on "how quiet, how morose she had become," Ms Spiegel said.

Mrs Kadeer was in hospital at the time of her release, though it is not clear what she was being treated for.

The US Congress had repeatedly voiced its concerns about Mrs Kadeer's imprisonment to the Chinese authorities.


Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/4357607.stm

Published: 2005/03/17 13:13:16 GMT

==================================
---In her own words---
==================================

National Review Online
September 14, 2005, 11:41 a.m.
Beijing & I
The Chinese government says I am a terrorist.

By Rebiya Kadeer

I am a terrorist. I would argue that I'm not, but because the Chinese government says I am a terrorist, it must be true. It will be interesting to see whether President Hu Jintao repeats this accusation against me — and by extension, tars all Uyghur people with the same brush — when he speaks at the United Nations on Thursday.

The Chinese government tries so hard to convince the world of its own infallibility that it must be terrifying when people dare to pull back the veil. And to that extent, if I terrify the Chinese government, then yes, I am a terrorist, and long may it last. I'm by no means the first — they've even called the Dalai Lama a terrorist — and I'm sure I won't be the last.

The Chinese authorities sent me to prison for eight years in 1999 because I'd sent newspaper articles to my husband in America about the plight of the Uyghur people. They accused me of "leaking state secrets to foreign organizations." I'd used my status as a successful businesswoman — once lauded by the same people who later imprisoned me — to work for the protection of Uyghurs' human rights. The Chinese government was so terrified I might say something that impugned their infallibility, they arrested me just as I was about to meet a U.S. congressional research committee in my hometown of Urumchi.

The U.S. government was instrumental in securing my early release from prison in March of this year — a fact that has forever indebted me and my family to the American officials and the people from all over the world who worked on my behalf. Most of all, my early release allowed the Uyghur people to hope that they haven't been overlooked or forgotten by those who believe in human rights and democracy for all.

When I was released, I was warned not to speak on behalf of the Uyghur people when I came to America, or my children and by business would be "finished." I think they were trying to scare me, and to give credit where credit is due, they did. True to their word, they consequently ransacked my office and dragged away two former colleagues who are still in detention. They accused me of owing millions in debts and taxes, and threatened to break every one of my son's ribs if he didn't sign a statement saying this was "true." Who wouldn't be scared by that?

I'm sure this has been said before, but there is a distinction between terror and horror. Terror is felt when we anticipate an horrific event; horror is felt when it actually happens. I am keenly aware of this difference: I have lived with a sense of terror for the fate of Uyghurs for the past few decades; and I have watched in horror as my worst fears have come true.

I have been terrified for young Uyghur mothers who become pregnant when the Chinese government say they shouldn't; and I have been horrified when their pregnancies have been forcibly terminated. I have been terrified for the Uyghurs' ancient culture; and watched horrified as the Chinese authorities have stooped to burning Uyghur books. I have been terrified for those Uyghurs who have stood up and objected; and been horrified when they have been executed as "terrorists." And yes, I have been horrified by the treatment of my friends and family.

And what of the Chinese government? I think the Chinese government is terrified of the day when their corruption, their brutality, their wanton destruction of the environment and neglect of the physical and spiritual health of the people will no longer be tolerated. The Chinese government has every reason to be terrified — it is a terrifying prospect for us all.

And so what can be done to avoid the horror? It will probably seem naïve to suggest that the most important step the Chinese government could take is to start telling the truth, and not "the truth with Chinese characteristics," to coin a phrase. The constant denial of any wrongdoing serves no one: It is common knowledge from Beijing to Geneva to Washington, D.C., that the human rights of people living under Chinese administration are poor to say the least; for Beijing to say otherwise is to dig an ever-deeper moat around itself and to delay the time when human rights will genuinely be protected.

President Hu Jintao must set an urgent example to his administration, and speak the truth on Thursday. Such a top-down approach is far less terrifying than the prospect of more than a billion angry souls demanding the truth.

— Rebiya Kadeer is a businesswoman and human-rights advocate from the Muslim Uighur region in China.

(http://www.nationalreview.com/comment/kadeer200509141141.asp)

FW: Kiran Desai is youngest woman winner of Booker Prize

"Kiran Desai, daughter of prominent Indian origin writer Anita Desai, created literary history Tuesday night by becoming the youngest ever woman to win the prestigious Man Booker Prize for Fiction at the age of 35."

============================
--from wikipedia---
============================
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kiran_Desai)
Kiran Desai was born in New Delhi. She spent her childhood in India before moving to England at the age of 14. One year later, the family relocated to the United States, where Desai completed her schooling in the state of Massachusetts.[2][3] She later attended Bennington College, Hollins University, and then Columbia University, where she took two years off to write her first book, Hullabaloo in the Guava Orchard


Her first novel,Hullabaloo in the Guava Orchard, was published in 1998 and received accolades from such notable figures as Salman Rushdie.[5] It went on to win the Betty Trask Award,[6] a prize given by the Society of Authors for the best new novels by citizens of the Commonwealth of Nations under the age of 35.[7]
Her second book, The Inheritance of Loss, has been widely praised by critics throughout Asia, Europe and the United States and won the 2006 Man Booker Prize.[1] It has been translated into Dutch and German.
She was born in Chandigarh, not in Delhi.

============================
---NYT book review---
============================

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/12/books/review/
12mishra.html?ex=1297400400&en=a3d469a1782b2d59&ei
=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss

February 12, 2006
'The Inheritance of Loss,' by Kiran Desai
Wounded by the West
Review by PANKAJ MISHRA
ALTHOUGH it focuses on the fate of a few powerless individuals, Kiran Desai's extraordinary new novel manages to explore, with intimacy and insight, just about every contemporary international issue: globalization, multiculturalism, economic inequality, fundamentalism and terrorist violence. Despite being set in the mid-1980's, it seems the best kind of post-9/11 novel.

"The Inheritance of Loss" opens with a teenage Indian girl, an orphan called Sai, living with her Cambridge-educated Anglophile grandfather, a retired judge, in the town of Kalimpong on the Indian side of the Himalayas. Sai is romantically involved with her math tutor, Gyan, the descendant of a Nepali Gurkha mercenary, but he eventually recoils from her obvious privilege and falls in with a group of ethnic Nepalese insurgents. In a parallel narrative, we are shown the life of Biju, the son of Sai's grandfather's cook, who belongs to the "shadow class" of illegal immigrants in New York and spends much of his time dodging the authorities, moving from one ill-paid job to another.

What binds these seemingly disparate characters is a shared historical legacy and a common experience of impotence and humiliation. "Certain moves made long ago had produced all of them," Desai writes, referring to centuries of subjection by the economic and cultural power of the West. But the beginnings of an apparently leveled field in a late-20th-century global economy serve merely to scratch those wounds rather than heal them.

Almost all of Desai's characters have been stunted by their encounters with the West. As a student, isolated in racist England, the future judge feels "barely human at all" and leaps "when touched on the arm as if from an unbearable intimacy." Yet on his return to India, he finds himself despising his apparently backward Indian wife.

The judge is one of those "ridiculous Indians," as the novel puts it, "who couldn't rid themselves of what they had broken their souls to learn" and whose Anglophilia can only turn into self-hatred. These Indians are also an unwanted anachronism in postcolonial India, where long-suppressed peoples have begun to awaken to their dereliction, to express their anger and despair. For some of Desai's characters, including one of the judge's neighbors in Kalimpong, this comes as a distinct shock: "Just when Lola had thought it would continue, a hundred years like the one past — Trollope, BBC, a burst of hilarity at Christmas — all of a sudden, all that they had claimed innocent, fun, funny, not really to matter, was proven wrong."

There is no mistaking the literary influences on Desai's exploration of postcolonial chaos and despair. Early in the novel, she sets two Anglophilic Indian women to discussing "A Bend in the River," V. S. Naipaul's powerfully bleak novel about traditional Africa's encounter with the modern world. Lola, whose clothesline sags "under a load of Marks and Spencer's panties," thinks Naipaul is "strange. Stuck in the past. . . . He has not progressed. Colonial neurosis, he's never freed himself from it." Lola goes on to accuse Naipaul of ignoring the fact that there is a "new England," a "completely cosmopolitan society" where "chicken tikka masala has replaced fish and chips as the No. 1 takeout dinner." As further evidence, she mentions her own daughter, a newsreader for BBC radio, who "doesn't have a chip on her shoulder."

Desai takes a skeptical view of the West's consumer-driven multiculturalism, noting the "sanitized elegance" of Lola's daughter's British-accented voice, which is "triumphant over any horrors the world might thrust upon others." At such moments, Desai seems far from writers like Zadie Smith and Hari Kunzru, whose fiction takes a generally optimistic view of what Salman Rushdie has called "hybridity, impurity, intermingling, the transformation that comes of new and unexpected combinations of human beings, cultures, ideas, politics, movies, songs."

In fact, Desai's novel seems to argue that such multiculturalism, confined to the Western metropolis and academe, doesn't begin to address the causes of extremism and violence in the modern world. Nor, it suggests, can economic globalization become a route to prosperity for the downtrodden. "Profit," Desai observes at one point, "could only be harvested in the gap between nations, working one against the other."

This leaves most people in the postcolonial world with only the promise of a shabby modernity — modernity, as Desai puts it, "in its meanest form, brand-new one day, in ruin the next." Not surprisingly, half-educated, uprooted men like Gyan gravitate to the first available political cause in their search for a better way. He joins what sounds like an ethnic nationalist movement largely as an opportunity to vent his rage and frustration. "Old hatreds are endlessly retrievable," Desai reminds us, and they are "purer . . . because the grief of the past was gone. Just the fury remained, distilled, liberating."

Unlike Gyan, others try to escape. In scene after scene depicting this process — a boarding house in England, derelict bungalows in Kalimpong, immigrant-packed basements in New York — Desai's novel seems lit by a moral intelligence at once fierce and tender. But no scene is more harrowing than the one in which Biju joins a crowd of Indians scrambling to reach the visa counter at the United States Embassy: "Biggest pusher, first place; how self-contented and smiling he was; he dusted himself off, presenting himself with the exquisite manners of a cat. I'm civilized, sir, ready for the U.S., I'm civilized, mam. Biju noticed that his eyes, so alive to the foreigners, looked back at his own countrymen and women, immediately glazed over, and went dead."

Desai's prose has uncanny flexibility and poise. She can describe the onset of the monsoon in the Himalayas and a rat in the slums of Manhattan with equal skill. She is also adept at using physical descriptions to evoke complex states of mind, as when Biju gazes at a park while celebrating the great luck of being granted his American visa: "Raw sewage was being used to water a patch of grass that was lush and stinking, grinning brilliantly in the dusk."

Poor and lonely in New York, Biju eavesdrops on businessmen eating steak and exulting over the wealth to be gained in the new markets of Asia. Not surprisingly, he eventually becomes "a man full to the brim with a wish to live within a narrow purity." For him, the city's endless possibilities for self-invention become a source of pain. Though "another part of him had expanded: his self-consciousness, his self-pity," this awareness only makes him long to fade into insignificance, to return "to where he might relinquish this overrated control over his own destiny."

Arriving back in India in the climactic scenes of the novel, Biju is immediately engulfed by the local eruptions of rage and frustration from which he had been physically remote in New York. For him and the others, Desai suggests, withdrawal or escape are no longer possible. "Never again," Sai concludes, "could she think there was but one narrative and that this narrative belonged only to herself, that she might create her own mean little happiness and live safely within it."

Apart from this abstraction, Desai offers her characters no possibility of growth or redemption. Though relieved by much humor, "The Inheritance of Loss" may strike many readers as offering an unrelentingly bitter view. But then, as Orhan Pamuk wrote soon after 9/11, people in the West are "scarcely aware of this overwhelming feeling of humiliation that is experienced by most of the world's population," which "neither magical realistic novels that endow poverty and foolishness with charm nor the exoticism of popular travel literature manages to fathom." This is the invisible emotional reality Desai uncovers as she describes the lives of people fated to experience modern life as a continuous affront to their notions of order, dignity and justice. We do not need to agree with this vision in order to marvel at Desai's artistic power in expressing it.

Pankaj Mishra is the author of "An End to Suffering: The Buddha in the World. " His latest book, "Temptations of the West: How to Be Modern in India, Pakistan, Tibet, and Beyond," will be published this spring.

Thursday, October 12, 2006

FW: Jawed Karim:: Co-founder of YouTubes.com [with a Bangladeshi Link]!!




(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jawed_Karim)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jawed Karim is the co-founder of the popular video sharing website YouTube. His father is Bangladeshi and his mother German. He grew up in Germany, but graduated from Central High School (Saint Paul, Minnesota), and went on to attend the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.[1] He was an early employee at PayPal, where he met Chad Hurley and Steve Chen. The three later founded the YouTube video sharing website in 2005.[2] Karim continued his coursework with the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, earning his bachelor's degree in computer science in 2004.

Karim acted as an advisor to YouTube and is a graduate student in computer science at Stanford University.





(http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/12/technology/12tube.html?_r=1&hp&ex=1160712000&en=c6ddbc2fdb0a4dea&ei=
5094&partner=homepage&oref=slogin)

New York Times
October 12, 2006
With YouTube, Student Hits Jackpot Again
By MIGUEL HELFT
Correction Appended

PALO ALTO, Calif., Oct. 11 — For Jawed Karim, the $100,000 or so he would have to spend on a master’s degree at Stanford was never daunting. He hit an Internet jackpot in 2002 when PayPal, the online payment company he had joined early on, was bought by eBay.

On Monday, still early in his studies for the fall term, he got lucky again. This time he may have hit the Internet equivalent of the multistate PowerBall.

Mr. Karim is the third of the three founders of the video site YouTube, which Google has agreed to buy for $1.65 billion. He was present at YouTube’s creation, contributing some crucial ideas about a Web site where users could share video. But academia had more allure than the details of turning that idea into a business.

So while his partners Chad Hurley and Steven Chen built the company and went on to become Internet and media celebrities, he quietly went back to class, working toward a degree in computer science.

Mr. Karim, who is 27, became visibly uncomfortable when the subject turned to money, and he would not say what he stands to make when Google’s purchase of YouTube is completed. He said only that he is one of the company’s largest individual shareholders, though he owns less of the company than his two partners, whose stakes in the company are likely to be worth hundreds of millions of dollars, according to some estimates. The deal was so enormous, he says, that his share was still plenty big.

“The sheer size of the acquisition almost makes the details irrelevant,” Mr. Karim said.

On Wednesday, during a walk across campus and a visit to his dorm room and the computer sciences building where he takes classes, Mr. Karim described himself as a nerd who gets excited about learning. Nothing in his understated demeanor suggests he is anything other than an ordinary graduate student, and he attracted little attention on campus in jeans, a blue polo shirt, a tan jacket and black Puma sneakers.

Mr. Karim said he might keep a hand in entrepreneurship, and he dreams of having an impact on the way people use the Internet — something he has already done. Philanthropy may have some appeal, down the road. But mostly he just wants to be a professor. He said he simply hopes to follow in the footsteps of other Stanford academics who struck it rich in Silicon Valley and went back to teaching.

“There’s a few billionaires in that building,” he said, standing in front of the William Gates Computer Science Building. But his chosen path will not preclude another stint at a start-up. “If I see another opportunity like YouTube, I can always do that,” he said.

David L. Dill, a professor of computer science at Stanford, said Mr. Karim’s choice was unusual.

“I’m impressed that given his success in business he decided to do the master’s program here,” Mr. Dill said. “The tradition here has been in the other direction,” he said, pointing to the founders of Google and Yahoo, who left Stanford for the business world.

Mr. Karim met Mr. Hurley and Mr. Chen when all three of them worked at PayPal. After the company was acquired by eBay for $1.5 billion, netting Mr. Karim a few million dollars, they often talked about starting another company.

By early 2005, all three had left PayPal. They would often meet late at night for brainstorming sessions at Max’s Opera Café, near Stanford, Mr. Karim said. Sometimes they met at Mr. Hurley’s place in Menlo Park or Mr. Karim’s apartment on Sand Hill Road, down the street from Sequoia Capital, the venture firm that would become YouTube’s financial backer.

Mr. Karim said he pitched the idea of a video-sharing Web site to the group. But he made it clear that contributions from Mr. Chen and Mr. Hurley were essential in turning his raw idea into what eventually became YouTube.

A YouTube spokeswoman said that the genesis of YouTube involved efforts by all three founders.

As early as February 2005, when the site was introduced, Mr. Karim said he and his partners had agreed that he would not become an employee, but rather an informal adviser to YouTube. He did not take a salary, benefits or even a formal title. “I was focused on school,” he said.

The decision meant that his stake in the company would be reduced, Mr. Karim said. “We negotiated something that we thought was fair.”

Roelof Botha, the Sequoia partner who led the investment in YouTube, said he would have preferred if Mr. Karim had stayed.

“I wish we could have kept him as part of the company,” Mr. Botha said. “He was very, very creative. We were doing everything we could to convince him to defer.”

Mr. Karim was born in East Germany in 1979. The family moved to West Germany a year later and to St. Paul, Minn., in 1992. His father, Naimul Karim, is a researcher at 3M and his mother, Christine Karim, is a research assistant professor of biochemistry at the University of Minnesota.

“To develop new things and be aware of new things, this is our life,” Ms. Karim said, explaining her son’s interest in technology and learning.

After graduating from high school, Jawed Karim chose to go to the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, in part because it was the school that the co-founder of Netscape, Marc Andreessen, and others who gave birth to the first popular Web browser attended.

“It wasn’t like I wanted to be the next Marc Andreessen, but it would be cool to be in the same place,” Mr. Karim said. In 2000, during his junior year, he dropped out to head to Silicon Valley, where he joined PayPal. He later finished his undergraduate degree by taking some courses online and some at Santa Clara University.

Armed with a video camera, Mr. Karim documented much of YouTube’s early life, including the meetings when the three discussed financing strategies and the brainstorming sessions in Mr. Hurley’s garage, where the company was hatched.

In his studio apartment in a residence hall for graduate students, he showed one of them, which he said was filmed in April 2005. In it, Mr. Chen talked about “getting pretty depressed” because there were only 50 or 60 videos on the YouTube site. Also, he said, “there’s not that many videos I’d want to watch.” The camera then turns to Mr. Hurley, who grins and says “Videos like these,” referring to the one Mr. Karim is filming.

Mr. Karim, who has remained in frequent contact with the other co-founders, said he was first informed of the talks with Google last week. On Monday, he was called in to the Palo Alto law offices of Wilson Sonsini Goodrich & Rosati to sign acquisition papers, and he briefly got to congratulate Mr. Chen and Mr. Hurley, he said.

Asked what he thought of the acquisition price, Mr. Karim said: “It sounded good to me.” When a reporter looked puzzled, he raised his eyebrows and added: “I was amazed.”


Correction: Oct. 13, 2006

An article in Business Day yesterday about the newfound fortunes of Jawed Karim, the third founder of the Web site YouTube, which was acquired by Google for $1.65 billion, misstated the year of his birth. Mr. Karim, 27, was born in 1979, not 1972.

FW: Invasion of the managers

Daily Star
http://www.thedaily star.net/ 2006/09/14/ d609141502134. htm

Invasion of the managers
Munim Chowdhury

INDIA has achieved global respect for its managerial talents and many Indians are enjoying top positions in the American corporate world. At least half a dozen Indians are CEOs of Fortune 500 companies, including Pepsi Co. Even conservative British companies are filling up top posts with Indian talent. A few years ago, one of the best known marketing schools in the world, the Kellogg School of Business of Northwestern University, after a global search for many months found a dean for the business school, an Indian from Gauhati. No one can deny the fact that India is a major producer of highly talented management and technical personnel today.

India produced Hinduism for domestic consumption and non-violent Buddhism for export. Today India is exporting bifurcated talent to the two worlds. A grade, highly talented people are exported to the western world, B and C grade to the developing countries, and the least talented D grade find their way to Bangladesh. The Bangladeshi entrepreneurs appear to be impressed by the English speaking abilities of the Indian managers.


The wide-scale Indian invasion of Bangladeshi industrial and commercial management is unhealthy and detrimental to the growth of management skill of the younger generation of the educated youth of Bangladesh. Even some of the trading houses are hiring low calibre Indian managers at salaries and benefits 8 to10 times higher than those normally offered to a Bangladeshi with similar talent. They live in Gulshan and Baridhara's posh apartments, enjoy chauffer-driven cars, and employ armies of domestic help.

This is certainly unfair and unjust.

The majority of these managers come to Bangladesh without work permits. They remit home their earnings through unofficial channels. A Bangladeshi owner of a distribution house (distributor of imported products) boastfully told me: "I have 30 expatriate managers." Further enquiry revealed that all thirty are Indians, mostly without work permits. Many of those managers do not appear to have the type of skills unavailable in Bangladesh, which would have made them deserving of the kind of compensation they are being paid.

A result of hiring Indian managers in this manner, when we have some educated Bangladeshi youth with comparable talent whose skills can be easily developed, is that we are destroying the hopes and aspiration of our own talented younger generation.

The multi-national company, British American Tobacco, managed its business most professionally in Bangladesh over the last 36 years without having to import Indian managers. Rather, BAT exported dozens of talented Bangladeshi managers to associated companies overseas, including to the position of director and managing director. By training and allowing Bangladeshi managers to develop and exercise their skills, they have also contributed to filling many top positions in other multi-national companies here in Bangladesh and overseas. Four of its managers served as ministers to the government of Bangladesh and Pakistan (prior to 1971). If the opportunity is provided to educated Bangladeshis with talent and aptitude, their managerial skills can be developed at a much faster rate.

In not just the developed countries of Western Europe and North America, but in many African nations also there is legitimate need for expatriate talents where the rules of engagement of foreign workers are strictly enforced; justification for employment is scrutinized, and work permits issued only when legitimate need, lack of local talent, and the professional capabilities of the foreign worker in question are demonstrated.

If the developing countries of Africa can apply legal rules in employing foreign workers, then what prevents Bangladesh, also a developing country, from enforcing its own rules? Can any Bangladeshi work in a professional job in India without a work permit (other than domestic help and as the sex workers in Bombay and Delhi)?


It will only be fair and just for the government to look seriously into the matter and prevent illegal engagement of foreign nationals for non-essential jobs in Bangladesh. It will require a little patience and sympathetic attention from our business community, too.

Immediately after the creation of Bangladesh in December l971, some Indians in professional fields in New York expressed their opinion that "this is the right time for Indians to move into Bangladesh and help run business and industry." Maybe they thought it was the right time to replace our Pakistani masters. However, it took another 25 years and the process started slowly about 10 years ago. It will take its toll on the new generation of Bangladeshi boys and girls, maybe in the same way as it did prior to 1971, unless we wake up to the reality and guard the interests of our younger generation.

The Bangladesh government should not allow needless engagement of Indian managers or for that matter any other foreign nationals in Bangladeshi industrial and commercial houses. If these Indians were top-rated talents, they would not come to Bangladesh, at the very least they would find their way to Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong and Dubai, if not North America and Europe.

A little research and discussion with Indian managers will confirm that they certainly do not enjoy life in Dhaka but they are here for the money and its associated comforts. Why not give our own youth with similar education and aptitude the same opportunity and dignity that are being provided to Indians, to develop their management skills? Our industries, business houses and country would benefit more in the long run as a result.


Munim Chowdhury writes from New York and is a freelance contributor to The Daily Star.