FW: ...... Star coverage of 9/3 ......

1. Khaleda lands in sub-jail
2. The mandate that Khaleda Zia wasted
3. Mixed reaction among public
4. From a housewife to premiership
5. Moments before the arrest
6. Star Editorial : Khaleda's arrest

==========================
1. Khaleda lands in sub-jail
==========================
Published On: 2007-09-04
Son Koko taken on remand; she expels rebel Bhuiyan, Ashraf from party
Staff Correspondent



Escorted by police, BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia waves before entering the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's Court in the capital yesterday morning. Photo: STAR
A Dhaka court yesterday sent BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia to jail and placed her younger son Arafat Rahman Koko on a seven-day remand a couple of hours after they were arrested on graft charges at their cantonment residence.

The arrests followed close on the heels of the Anti-Corruption Commission's (ACC) filing the first graft case against the former premier and her son after the state of emergency came into force on January 11.

In the case filed with the Tejgaon Police Station late on Sunday night, Khaleda, her son and 11 others were charged with violating tender conditions in appointing an indenting house for container handling.

The joint forces hauled them in a little after 7:30am, and took them straight to the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's (CMM) Court, Dhaka at 8:05am.

At the court premises, Khaleda's lawyers in her presence announced that BNP Secretary General Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan and Joint Secretary General Ashraf Hossain have been expelled for "attempts to split the party in the name of reforms with support from the government".

Like her archrival Awami League (AL) President Sheikh Hasina who was arrested on extortion charges on July 16, Khaleda too was sent to a special jail set up in the Jatiya Sangsad Bhaban complex.

Since the present military-backed caretaker government assumed power in January, the going has got tough for both the leaders who had run the country alternately for the last 15 years and boast a past of nine years' vigorous street agitations against military ruler HM Ershad.

In the event of conviction, they will be disqualified from contesting the next parliamentary election planned to be held within December 2008.

Soon after declaration of the state of emergency, it has been widely discussed that the two might be forced to quit politics for alleged abuse of power and corruption.

But lately many have been questioning the government's approach to its anti-graft drive, as it was yet to take action against Khaleda long after detaining Hasina and having at least four cases filed against her.

Appearing before the crowded courtroom, the BNP chief protested her innocence and described the case against her and Koko as false and part of a conspiracy against her party and family. She sought bail for her and Koko in line with the submissions made by their counsels earlier.

Law Adviser Mainul Hosein, however, rejected Khaleda's allegation and said, "Arrests of the two former prime ministers have proved that the present government is not biased towards any party."

The mother and son, who once were considered to be dwelling somewhere high above the law, looked gloomy while in the dock.

Khaleda was brought in an ash Nissan Patrol while Koko in a red Pajero amid tight security measures along the stretch between their Shahid Moinul Road residence and the court.

In a white chiffon saree, Khaleda however smiled and waved outside the courtroom. At that time, a group of party faithful were chanting slogans.

Meanwhile, sources in the administration said that more graft cases would soon be filed against her.

According to the BNP constitution, she will be disqualified from holding the party chief's post and retaining the membership if she is convicted of graft.

Immediately after the court orders, the security forces whisked her off to the makeshift jail. This is for the first time she has landed in a prison in a political career spanning over two decades.

Late president Ziaur Rahman who founded the BNP in 1978 after taking over state power as a military ruler won public support for what many political observers say his stance against corruption. But the image of his widowed wife, who ruled the country for 10 years since restoration of democracy in a mass upsurge in 1990, has been tainted by corruption allegations.

During her last stint as the prime minister, many of the party lawmakers and leaders had allegedly been involved in massive corruption and made a huge wealth.

The country's political situation turned volatile in October last year as the BNP-led four-party alliance tried desperately to hold the ninth parliament election despite the AL-led grand alliance's decision to boycott the polls that they viewed were designed to bring BNP and allies back to power.

Amid violence and chaos on the streets, President Iajuddin Ahmed, who assumed the office of the chief adviser sidestepping various constitutional options, stood aside as the caretaker government chief on January 11. He declared the state of emergency and postponed the election scheduled for January 22.

Fakhruddin Ahmed took the reins with a promise to rid politics of corruption before holding the stalled parliamentary election. In February, his administration launched a crackdown on graft suspects and began rounding up the political and business heavy weights on charge of corruption.

LEGAL PROCEDURE
Opposing Khaleda's plea for bail, Assistant Commissioner (prosecution) Maqbul Hossain Khan yesterday told the court that it is a very sensitive case and so she should be confined to jail till the investigation is completed.

He also petitioned the court to place Koko on a 10-day remand.

Hearing both the sides, Magistrate ABM Abdul Fattah rejected the bail prayer and sent her to jail. He also placed Koko on a seven-day remand in police custody.

Khaleda's other son, Tarique Rahman, who was perceived to be the most powerful man during the last BNP government, has already been detained on graft charges.

The assistant commissioner (prosecution) told the court that an application for bringing the case under the emergency power rules has been in process at the home ministry.

Once the case is brought under the emergency power rules, Khaleda will not be entitled to bail, and she will be ineligible to contest the polls if found guilty by a trial court.

The same day the investigation officer of the case submitted a petition seeking permission to carry out a search of the cantonment residence. In response, Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Jalal Ahmed assigned Metropolitan Magistrate Mohammad Ashrafuddin to conduct the search.

Earlier, the assistant commissioner (prosecution) placed the case dockets and read out the charges brought in the first information report (FIR) and the forwarding report.

Moving the petitions for bail and cancellation of the remand prayer, the counsels for Khaleda and Koko told the court that the two have been implicated as part of a conspiracy to harass them.

GOVT ACTIONS AGAINST HER
On June 12, Khaleda, Tarique Rahman and 12 other BNP leaders, who were directors of Daily Dinkal Limited, were sued for not submitting service returns of the daily for the past several years.

Under the Income Tax Ordinance, 1984, the Central Intelligence Cell (CIC) of the NBR had earlier asked the banks to provide it along with bank account information of Khaleda and 10 of her family members.

Finally on August 29, the NBR asked all banks to freeze the accounts of the former prime minister, her son Koko and nine others of her family.

Sources said the government is preparing to file a case over Khaleda's wealth statement submitted to the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), which has gross anomalies.

The NBR recently allowed Khaleda to legalise Tk 1.30 crore undisclosed money on payment of Tk 33 lakh tax but rejected Tarique and Koko's bid to legalise Tk 18 lakh and Tk 1.5 crore respectively by paying a total tax and fine of Tk 44 lakh.

Earlier, the High Court quashed two graft cases against Khaleda Zia filed during the AL regime regarding decoration of her house and airbus purchase.

PAST SEVEN MONTHS OF KHALEDA
Khaleda, who ruled the country for a maximum period as prime minister and run the party with an iron fist, became isolated within the party as most of the senior BNP leaders started keeping away from her since the beginning of the crackdown on the political bigwigs.

After the declaration of state of emergency, Khaleda kept running party activities from Hawa Bhaban, popularly known as the alternative powerhouse during the BNP regime, until slapping of the ban on indoor politics on March 7.

Next, she was reportedly put under pressure to leave the country, but later she changed her mind and decided to face the situation.

In June, BNP leaders led by Secretary General Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan came up with a set of reform proposals with a provision to exclude Khaleda from the helm of the party.

In the face of challenges from senior party leaders, Khaleda started holding teleconferences with other party leaders and activists within the country and overseas, urging them to be united against any 'conspiracy' against BNP.

Earlier in May, Khaleda cancelled her Singapore trip for medical check-up as her younger son Koko was sued for extortion and was barred to leave the country.

Most recently, she was not allowed to visit the grave of late president Ziaur Rahman on the occasion of founding anniversary of BNP on September 1.

KHALEDA'S HEALTH CONDITION
Khaleda Zia is physically fit now, DIG (Prison) Maj Shamsul Haider Siddiqui told a private television channel yesterday.

He also said that after arriving at the sub-jail, Khaleda took a cup of tea and then went to take rest.

In the sub-jail, she would be provided with four newspapers to read and a colour television to watch Bangladesh Television, the state owned television channel, the DIG said.

Replying to another query, he said that both Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina would receive same facilities in the sub-jails.
-------------------------------------------------------------


==================================================
2. The mandate that Khaleda Zia wasted
==================================================

Commentary
The mandate that Khaleda Zia wasted
She could have transformed our political culture
Mahfuz Anam


Seldom did an elected leader, especially in parliamentary democracy, receive the type of popular mandate as Khaleda Zia did in 2001. In fact she is the only leader who got elected as prime minister twice (We are not counting the controversial election of February '96) in our country's history. Of the 15 years of our unbroken succession of elected governments she was in power for ten years. In the last election in 2001 her party, the BNP, alone won 194 seats in a parliament of 300 seats. With her allies, her total strength in parliament was 217.

With such a mandate and her personal stature as a politician at her peak, she was in a position to totally reshape Bangladesh's political culture and economic prospects. With so many MPs at her command she could have demanded a higher standards of integrity and dedication from them. She could have warned that anyone found wanting in honesty and integrity would be expelled from the party, which would automatically lead, as per our law, to losing their seats in the Jatiya Sangsad. This would have saved us from corrupt politics, the primary reason for which our democracy now stands derailed.

The stability of government that such a massive electoral victory automatically implies could have easily been used to attract FDI. With steady FDI inflow, we could have easily reached our goal of 7 to 8 per cent of growth if not more. It was all within our reach only if she wanted it.

She could have brought an end to our confrontational politics by offering a hand of co-operation to the opposition, which ruling parties with massive parliamentary strengths usually do. Instead, from the very start, she took a tough policy in dealing with them starting from physical attack on the opposition immediately after her election victory. Terming it as wrath of common people for AL's misgovernance, the BNP and its allies turned a blind eye to, if not directly participated in assaults of thousands of AL activists in several districts.

Subsequent repression on rallies by the opposition, denying them their due participation inside the Jatiya Sangsad and never giving any importance to them in formulating policies resulted in the erosion of the moral strength that such a huge mandate usually carries.

Instead of her unprecedented strength leading to farsighted, conciliatory fence-mending attitude, she became imperial in personal style, arrogant in political behaviour and condescending in dealing with important members of her own party. She attributed her party's sweeping victory to her son Tarique Rahman's election management, and as such, she felt ready to bring him directly into the power structure both of the party and of the government.

The proof of this is the growth of the Hawa Bhaban, which truly and practically became the second centre of power after the PMO. In fact, in some instances the Bhaban was more effective than the PMO itself as functionaries often felt that getting the son's support was more useful than the mother's as the latter's consent could be taken for guaranteed if the former's was already there.

In our view, the seed of destruction of Khaleda Zia's government was sown almost immediately after her election victory. That seed was the size of the new government. Initially it was supposed to be small, say of round 35 to 40 members. But about 48 hours before oath-taking the word came out that the cabinet would be nearly of 60 members, the highest ever in Bangladesh, and bigger than most governments in the world.

This was Tarique Rahman's first major foray into governance. He insisted on appointing his loyalists as deputy or state ministers virtually in every ministry. So we had a dual government where the cabinet ministers were reporting to the PM while their deputies to Tarique Rahman.

Over time, as more and more cabinet ministers found out that they were being either overridden in decision making, or totally ignored, they realised where the real governance emanated from and either started visiting Hawa Bhaban or became inactive.

In fact only a few ministers like Saifur Rahman, Mannan Bhuiyan, Khandakar Mosharraf wielded some power. Others literally became ciphers. The duality in government brought about by the rise of the Hawa Bhaban, which Khaleda Zia permitted or at least did nothing to stop, made it impossible for the government to function and as such destroyed it.

As loyalty to the Bhaban resulted in lucrative postings, extensions of job tenure and enhanced stature within the administration, the bureaucracy became totally politicised, followed by other branches of the government, especially the police and its branches.

While the Hawa Bhaban destroyed the government, another action by Khaleda Zia destroyed the BNP itself. That was the unceremonious removal of Dr Badruddoza Chowdhury from the position of the Head of State. The founding secretary general of the BNP, one of the earliest comrades of its founder Gen. Ziaur Rahman, (years before Khaleda Zia entered into politics) and one of its most revered leaders, Dr Chowdhury was made the President after the 2001 election.

Within seven months of assuming the Presidency he fell out of grace (why we still don't know, and in her arrogance she never bothered to give any explanation to parliament or to the public) and was forced to resign in a most humiliating manner. This was done without the slightest consideration to either the dignity of his office (after all it was the highest constitutional post) or respect for the contribution he made in making BNP one of the two largest parties in the country.

The humiliation did not end there. When the venerable doctor wanted to float his own party, BNP goons beat him up and the factories and residences of several of his main supporters were set on fire. So much for respect for rule of law. With the firing and humiliation of Dr Chowdhury it became evident, if evidence was at all necessary, that the BNP from now on would mean only Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman, and that party loyalty would be defined as total, unquestioned and blind support for the Zia family.

The mother and the son's writ would be party law and the slightest trace of dissent would result in the swift dismissal from the party. So the ouster of Dr Chowdhury transformed the BNP from a party with whatever little semblance of collective decision making to one of total centralised power to be run on personal whims and caprice of first the mother, Khaleda Zia, and later the son, Tarique Rahman.

As we had said earlier, the Hawa Bhaban destroyed the government and Dr Chowdhury's dismissal destroyed the party. Both these events occurred within seven months of Khaleda Zia's second term. From then on it was a one-way slide downwards, presided over by the leader who got such a huge parliamentary majority and who really had a chance to change Bangladesh as we know it and who, with a little bit of modesty and capacity for introspection and self criticism, could have done it.

We are deliberately not bring on the issues of corruption under Khaleda Zia's tenure as she has been accused of it and the matter should be decided in court. However, it must be mentioned that evidence of graft was all around. While we continued to be termed as the most corrupt country in the world, our elected government preferred to do nothing to stem it except blaming those who were saying so.

It is amazing how little concern was expressed for the issue of corruption and how little was done to investigate the thousands of corruption stories that the media relentlessly published. Instead of finding out the culprits, it was the media that were accused of deliberately maligning the image of the country. Whether or not Khaleda Zia was personally corrupt the courts will decide. But the fact that she tolerated it and did absolutely nothing to either fight corruption or even to raise it as a matter of concern, are now a matter of record.

Now that Khaleda Zia is in custody we will insist that she be given all the protection of law and rights guaranteed by the constitution, especially since she has been twice our elected prime minister. Yet today we cannot but feel deeply sorry for the magnificent opportunity she wasted. Instead of giving us a Bangladesh of unity and growth she left us in a mire worse than the one when she came to power.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

==================================
3. Mixed reaction among public
==================================

Mixed reaction among public
Staff Correspondent


People of different walks of life yesterday expressed mixed reactions over the arrest of BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia and her son Arafat Rahman Koko while many said they were not surprised at the government's move to arrest them.

Following the arrest, The Daily Star correspondents talked to over 100 people of different professions--lawyers, businessmen, NGO workers, students, rickshaw pullers, taxi drivers and other professionals.

Many preferred anonymity while some declined to make any comment regarding the arrest of the former premier and her son.

A corrupt person will eventually be punished, said Ismail, a coconut vendor of Hatirpul Bazar. They were involved with corruption for years together and that is why they have been put behind bars, he said.

A lawyer, wishing to remain anonymous, told The Daily Star that Khaleda Zia should have been arrested and put on trial much earlier as the countrymen suffered for their unbridled corruption during the BNP-Jamaat alliance government.

"Her government brought nothing but corruption, which

made Bangladesh the most corrupt country in the world," he said. He said successive governments always ignored the general people. They always thought about themselves and were busy with changing their own lot.

Many said there were rumours of Khaleda's arrest after the arrest of Awami League President Sheikh Hasina.

"It is nothing surprising since the rumour of Khaleda Zia's arrest was already around," said Mokhlesur Rahman, an employee of a private firm in the capital. "I think the move was made to balance out the actions taken against the rival party," he added.

A retired police officer told The Daily Star that during his days in service he had to carry out many unlawful orders from high-ups. With her arrest, he expects that such practices from Bangladesh politics would go forever.

Nazmul Alam, an electrical equipment dealer said, "We [referring to general people] all suspected that they were corrupt, now charges have been brought against them. We want her [Khaleda Zia] to be given exemplary punishment, if the charges brought against her are proved… if not she should not be harassed."

Kabir Ahmed, an NGO worker, said that Khaleda Zia's arrest proves that the government is sincere in its crackdown on corrupt people in the country.

When asked for comments, Mizanur Rahman, a banker, became a bit angry and said the government arrested Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina to implement their "minus-two policy". The government's plot will not be successful, he added.

"None is above the law and those who stole people's money and were involved with corruption must be brought to justice," said an owner of a shoe shop in the capital.

"I think her arrest was not handled properly. The process through which she was arrested is not very clear to us as she was arrested within a few hours of the filing of the case," said a banker seeking anonymity.

Many low-income people claimed the arrest did not affect them at all as it would not bring any positive changes to their lives. "It does not matter whether they were arrested or not as it does not bring any good to us," said Shah Ali, owner of a pharmacy at Karwan Bazar in the city.

He claimed he has not seen any changes in the lives of low-income people since the caretaker government came to power. Rather the prices of essentials are going up and out of their reach, he said.

During their "corrupt" regimes the situation was far better, he said adding that the government should concentrate more on price hike of essentials rather than arresting top political leaders.

Many claimed the government's move would not bring any positive changes for the country rather it might even create an anarchic situation.


==================================================
4. From a housewife to premiership
==================================================
From a housewife to premiership
Star Report


Khaleda Zia's political life has been defined by her rise from a reclusive and shy housewife of a slain president to the longest serving prime minister in Bangladesh's history.

First gaining fame as one of the spearheads of the anti-Ershad movement in the 80s, Khaleda subsequently became the country's first female head of government when she won the 1991 parliamentary elections after the restoration of democracy.

It all changed for Khaleda when her husband military leader and later president Gen Ziaur Rahman

was assassinated in 1981 during an abortive military coup and Gen Ershad came to power a year later.

Conspicuous by her low profile and image as the retiring housewife during her husband's presidency, Khaleda rose to prominence when she was appointed vice-chairman of BNP in 1982, the party founded by Ziaur Rahman in 1979. She later assumed the BNP chair in August, 1984.

Much like her political rival--Awami League (AL) chief Sheikh Hasina--Khaleda was brought in to quell the rising tensions within the party, unite the disparate forces within the party and fill in the power vacuum in BNP following Ziaur Rahman's death.

As BNP chair, she worked to unify political opposition to the authoritarian Ershad regime, forming a seven-party coalition alongside a similar grouping formed by the BNP's main rival, the AL.

During the nine years of military rule, Khaleda Zia was arrested seven times.

While she led the BNP's movement against the Ershad regime, she faced three attempts to break up the BNP from powerful forces within the party. Khaleda's adroit management of these three blows to the BNP strengthened her hold within the party and cleared her way to launch the upsurge against Ershad with a united BNP.

By 1990, discontent over Ershad's rule and support for the opposition political parties had grown sufficiently to convince the president to step down and organise fresh elections. Khaleda Zia led the BNP to a convincing victory in February 1991.

The 1991-96 Khaleda-led government was comparatively successful in revising the country's presidential system in favour of a parliamentary system, restoring the country's flagging economy with nominal signs of corruption. But, her government was largely blamed for holding farcical elections in February 1996, which were boycotted by the AL, ensuring a BNP victory, and Khaleda Zia had her second term in office in February. However, agitations continued and she called for fresh elections for June, which the BNP lost to the AL.

But, her last term in office, between 2001-2006, was marked by unprecedented corruption, wide-ranging abuse of power and flagrant violation of state regulations that subsequently triggered the violence and political crisis that precipitated the declaration of emergency on January 11.

She was heavily criticised by senior BNP leaders for stacking up the party leadership and cabinet posts with her sons, nephews, brothers, sisters and other relatives, which was not the case during her husband's regime or her own in 1991-96 government.

A critical turning point and burning example of this unchecked nepotism was the sacking and expulsion of erstwhile president of Bangladesh and BNP founding member, Badruddoza Chowdhury in the same party meeting, which promoted Khaleda's son Tarique Rahman to the post of senior joint-secretary-general of the party.

Khaleda's patronage of the corrupt and criminal elements within the BNP and its coalition partners in government gave her regime an aura of invincibility that allowed her party members--including her two sons--to demonstrate a minimum of accountability for their actions. The BNP had assumed power in 2001 with two-thirds majority.

Her last term in office also saw most violent expression of militancy in the country with her reported patronage of Bangla Bhai, who played a vital part in the creation of Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), responsible for the 469 near-simultaneous bomb blasts on August 17, 2005.

The longest serving prime minister in Bangladesh's history, Khaleda Zia was inaugurated for her third official term as prime minister of Bangladesh on 10 October 2001.

Election on 1 October 2001 were preceded by high levels of violent unrest and yielded a sweeping victory of the BNP and its coalition allies. The BNP secured 66 percent of the seats in parliament leaving the AL with just 20 percent. Khaleda Zia was inaugurated as prime minister nine days later.

Khaleda was born on August 15, 1945 in Dinajpur to businessman Iskander Mazumdar from Feni and his wife Taiyeba Mazumdar, a well-known social worker. Her late sister Khurshid Jahan Haq was a minister for women and children affairs and her brother Sayeed Iskander was a member of parliament. She has another sister and a brother.

At the age of 15, she married the then captain Ziaur Rahman in 1960 right after she passed her SSC examinations and then attended Surendranath College in Dinajpur where she attained her HSC in 1962. In 1971, she was under the custody of the Pakistani military with her two sons.



=========================================
5. Moments before the arrest
=========================================

Published On: 2007-09-04
Front Page
Moments before the arrest
Star report


She seemed reluctant to meet her fate. As law enforcers knocked at the door of Khaleda Zia's house at 5:30am, she appeared on the veranda more than 45 minutes later and asked: "Why are you here?"

The law enforcers then told her about the case and the reason for their presence at the address.

"Ok," Khaleda tartly replied. "Let me offer prayers, get my suitcase packed and then I will come out."

As the law enforcers requested her to let them in, she sounded agitated, "What for? You have already checked my house thrice. Why again?"

At around 7:30am, Khaleda finally stepped out with her son Koko to their uncertain future. She still looked angry.

As she walked to the vehicle, she almost said in a monologue: "I am very sad today. Why are you taking away the Zia family members one after another? Why don't you just round them together and send them to the firing squad?"

Hours later, as she stepped inside the lavish Speaker's house-turned-sub-jail complete with central AC, she looked to be lost in a different world far from her palatial luxury. She was received by the inspector general of prisons. A little hesitantly, she muttered: "I never did any household work. You know I am suffering from arthritis. May I have my personal servant to do my works?"

The jail officials said they would look into the rules if her request could be complied with.

Khaleda was then led upstairs to her bedroom. As the officials left her to herself, Khaleda gave them a crucifying last look.

======================================
6. Star Editorial : Khaleda's arrest
======================================
Published On: 2007-09-04
Editorial
Editorial
Khaleda's arrest
Due process of law must be ensured


The ex-PM's arrest does not come as a surprise. In fact the news of Khaleda Zia's impending arrest had been in the air for sometime, particularly after the arrest of Sheikh Hasina. Many had been left wondering after July 16, 2007 as to what kept an immediate past PM out of the reach of the law while an ex-PM, whose tenure of office had been long over, was incarcerated.

It would not be wrong on our part to suggest that there were doubts in the public mind regarding the government's intention of making public office-holders, and those who benefited by exploiting political and family linkages, accountable under the current anti-corruption drive. It was reinforced with the release of Khaleda Zia's youngest son, soon after he was arrested the first time. With their arrest one hopes that all the speculations would have been put at rest.

Now that Khaleda Zia has been arrested we would expect that all due process of law would be followed and that the facilities that the law of the land provides to an accused would be afforded to the ex-PM.

We feel obligated to repeat in case of Khaleda Zia what we had said in these columns after the arrest of Sheikh Hasina. Both the party leaders, in spite of the way they chose to conduct politics during their term in office, have developed a stature and standing of their own in the minds of the public. Therefore we insist that they, both Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, must be treated with due dignity and honour and ensured all legal rights during the process of trial. So far, to the credit of this government, both these leaders have been treated with due respect.

We would like to call upon the government to ensure that whatever charges are brought against the accused, they are grounded on incontrovertible facts and that they are legally founded. It is also important to keep in mind that the legal proceedings are not only transparent; it must also be made certain that they are open and fair.